By Susanna Mocker
23 November 2015
‘Diversity is our pride and our strength’ declared Indian Prime Minister Modi at a public diplomacy spectacle in London last week. This was very reminiscent of President Juncker's last state of the European Union address. The two unions of 28 and 29 states respectively, share a strategic partnership since 2004. On paper, the partners make a great couple: the world's most populous democracy and an entity of 28 democracies considering itself a normative power; a subcontinent launching the ‘Make in India’ campaign and the world's biggest trading bloc; a state seeking technological innovation and a union applying for one third of the world's patents; a remarkably young country excelling in healthcare and a rapidly aging continent wondering how to take care of the elderly. India-EU relations certainly have a lot of potential but to date untapped potential. There was no EU-India summit since 2012 although Modi has visited France, Germany, Ireland and the UK in his 18 months as prime minister.
By Susanna Mocker
17 October 2015
On 8 November Myanmar holds important national and regional elections. While the elections are likely to be the freest since the military took power in 1962, a quarter of the seats in the national parliament remain reserved for the military. The incumbent Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is being strongly challenged by the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by the iconic Aung San Suu Kyi. Another 90 parties are contesting the election, reflecting the diversity of Myanmar.
By Rajaratnam School of International Studies
30 September 2015
Australia’s new government led by Malcom Turnbull will be very different from its predecessor, though of the same Liberal-National coalition. However residual conservative forces within its ranks mean that major changes in direction are unlikely in the short-term.
Australia’s new prime minister Malcolm Turnbull will lead a government that is very different from its predecessor though of the same Liberal-National coalition. Turnbull has described his government as one that will seize the opportunities of the future rather than one seeing only challenges ahead and seeking to preserve the order of the past. The government of his predecessor, Tony Abbott, had become derided for its reactionary mindset, including its failure to accept challenges of the 21st Century, such as climate change and the need for a constructive renewable energy policy.
By Institute of South East Asian Studies
14 September 2015
On 31st December 2015, the ten ASEANY member states will jointly announce the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). At present, these states have yet to fulfil all the stipulated targets stated in the AEC Blueprint. This Blueprint ultimately aims for an integrated market and a production base that allow for free movement of goods, services and skilled labour, as well as freer movement of capital.
One explanation for their shortcoming is the conflicting interests existing within the domestic economy. These generally involve technical, human and financial constraints; national priorities; bureaucratic complexities; preference for unilateral liberalization; differing interests among industry players; as well as lack of coherence in government policies.
What is needed to enhance the AEC beyond 2015 are improvements in four key areas: a) greater policy coherence in domestic economies; b) increased stakeholder consultation; c) identifying of winners and losers to mitigate the negative impact on domestic stakeholders; and d) overcoming resource constraints.
By Fraser Cameron, Director
27 August 2015
History and politics are more intertwined in East Asia than anywhere else in the world and rarely has a statement been more anticipated and digested than that by Japan’s Prime Minister Abe on 14 August to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II. Would he apologise for Japan’s aggression in Korea, China and elsewhere in Asia during the 1930s and 40s? Would he tackle the sensitive issue of the comfort women? How would Korea and China react to the statement? And what would be the political consequences?
By Michael McDevitt
10 July 2015
Because the multiple Spratly sovereignty claims largely overlap, attempting to unscramble these claims is generally considered too difficult. What follows is one way ASEAN claimants – the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei – could reconcile their competing claims in the Spratly Islands.
The reason for doing so is simple. It would set a positive example for subsequent resolution with China. It would also make it easier for ASEAN to speak with one voice to China regarding a resolution of overlapping claims, and would create a useful precedent for other maritime disputes in East Asia. It might also make it easier for each country to begin to exploit resources in their Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ).
By Jess,Xufeng JIA
22 June 2015
· Russia is increasingly turning towards China as a result of Western sanctions. But although there is much talk and diplomatic support there are few concrete results due to Russia’s structural economic problems.
· This short-term ‘axis of convenience’ could, however, develop into a more strategic alliance in the future given the right incentives on both sides.
· The EU has taken a relaxed position to this new relationship. This may not be possible in future and the EU should reflect on how closer ties between Russia and China might affect important EU interests.
By Centre for European Reform
28 May 2015
The security challenges facing EU member-states and south-east Asian countries are strikingly similar. Both regions have difficulties with their neighbours: assertive Chinese claims in the South China Sea are a less dramatic version of Russia’s annexation of Crimea; refugees in boats and illegal migration are creating humanitarian and security challenges, and piracy threatens sea-borne commerce. More co-operation between the EU and ASEAN (the Association of South East Asian Nations) on maritime security could help both of them, but it could especially contribute to south-east Asian security.
By Jess,Xufeng JIA
15 May 2015
China is steadily increasing its stock of ODI in Europe, from €6.1 to €27 billion between 2010 and 2014, a trend that is generally encouraged by EU governments affected by the financial crisis. The first quarter of 2015 witnessed a surge of Chinese ODI that suggests even stronger growth this year. Europe began to receive significant Chinese ODI from 2001, when China started to deregulate its overseas investment and to encourage its national champions to ‘go-out’. Chinese ODI in the EU can be roughly divided into the pre-crisis stage (2001-2008), the crisis stage (2009-2012) and the post-crisis stage. The first stage was the testing stage for Chinese companies and triggered by domestic deregulation and China’s accession to the WTO. The second stage started when the financial crisis hit the EU. The Chinese government encouraged and facilitated Chinese companies’ ODI ambitions in Europe and many member states viewed Chinese ODI as a potential economic saviour and competed to attract investment from China. The third and current stage sees a more selective approach from China focusing on quality infrastructure projects and brand names.
By International Crisis Group
7 May 2015
The South China Sea is the cockpit of geopolitics in East Asia. Five countries – Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – plus Taiwan have substantial and competing territorial and maritime claims in a body of water that is both an important source of hydrocarbons and fisheries and a vital trade corridor. The recent history has been scarred by cycles of confrontation. Today, the clashes are becoming more heated, and the lulls between periods of tension are growing shorter. As the region continues to grow in influence and power, the handling of the competing claims will set the tone for relations within East Asia for years. The cost of even a momentary failure to manage tensions could pose a significant threat to one of the world’s great collaborative economic success stories. Despite China’s controversial development of some of the reefs it controls, the current relatively low temperature of the disagreement offers a chance to break the cycle, but it is likely to be short-lived. The countries of the region, supported by the wider international community, need to embrace the opportunity while it lasts.